Is Bongbong Marcos a Pushover?

Disclaimer: This article is a personal analysis based on publicly available information. I am not a journalist—just a curious blogger and researcher who connected the dots from news reports, academic studies, and documented statements. The views expressed here are personal. Please do your own research.

The Question Everyone Is Asking

Is Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. a pushover? The question keeps resurfacing. From political analysts to ordinary Filipinos, from his own sister to foreign observers, people are asking whether the President of the Philippines is too soft, too passive, too easily manipulated to lead a country facing corruption scandals, economic struggles, and territorial aggression.

The answer depends on where you look. There are moments when Marcos has shown backbone. There are also moments when he has been accused of being a "weak leader," "indecisive," and "gullible." Let me lay out the facts as they exist in the public record, and you can decide for yourself.

The Case for "Pushover"

Several patterns have emerged over the course of the Marcos administration that feed into the perception that he is too soft to lead effectively.

The "Too Soft, Too Gullible" Assessment

Political analyst Prof. Froilan Calilung of the University of Santo Tomas stated in November 2025 that President Marcos is "too kind and soft to the point that he's really gullible to actually being manipulated by the people around him." This assessment came in the wake of the flood control scandal, where billions in public funds were allegedly siphoned through ghost projects while Marcos was at the helm.

The analyst theorized that those in Marcos's inner circle may have seized opportunities to advance their own agendas while the President was either unaware or unable to stop them. Whether this is a result of willful ignorance, poor judgment, or something else entirely remains a matter of debate.

The Romualdez Question

One of the most glaring examples cited by critics is Marcos's handling of his cousin, former House Speaker Martin Romualdez. For years, Romualdez consolidated power in the House of Representatives, built a supermajority bloc, and pushed for Charter Change that critics allege would benefit his personal political ambitions. Marcos allowed this to happen without significant pushback.

When the flood control scandal exploded in September 2025, Romualdez was forced to resign as Speaker. But by then, the damage was done. An estimated ₱118.5 billion (roughly $2 billion) may have been lost to corruption since 2023, according to the Department of Finance. Only after massive public protests and the Iglesia ni Cristo's anti-corruption rallies did Marcos act decisively, creating an Independent Commission for Infrastructure and ordering arrests.

The question lingers: Why did it take so long? Why did Marcos allow Romualdez to accumulate so much power if he was not complicit, and if he was not complicit, why was he not paying attention?

The Duterte Dance

Marcos's handling of Vice President Sara Duterte has been described by analysts as "tiptoeing." For months, even as Duterte publicly accused him of incompetence, weak leadership, and even threatened his life, Marcos avoided direct confrontation. He initially blocked impeachment moves against her, texting lawmakers to discourage the filing of complaints.

When asked why, his answers were vague: he said it was a "storm in a teacup," that he did not want political tension, that he was not interested in impeachment. This conflict-averse approach led analyst Hansley Juliano of Ateneo de Manila University to note that Marcos is "nothing if not risk averse in making controversial decisions."

Even after the House finally voted to impeach Duterte in February 2025, Marcos maintained a passive stance, saying the executive branch had no role in the process. The Supreme Court eventually nullified the impeachment on procedural grounds, and Marcos pointed out that the ruling did not address the merits of the case—but he did not push for accountability beyond that statement.

The Drug Allegation Response

In November 2025, Marcos's own sister, Senator Imee Marcos, publicly accused him of being a "longtime drug addict" whose cocaine dependence has "undermined his governance." She alleged that his drug use has resulted in "a flood of corruption, a lack of direction, misguided decisions, and a void of accountability and justice."

What was Marcos's response? He said: "It's anathema to talk about family matters generally in public. We do not like to show our dirty linen in public." He expressed worry about Imee, saying relatives and friends are "concerned" about her behavior, and added: "The lady that you see talking on TV is not my sister."

He did not directly deny the allegations himself. His aides denied them on his behalf, stating he had tested negative for cocaine and methamphetamine in the past. But the refusal to address the accusations head-on—combined with his consistent avoidance of a hair follicle test that critics have demanded—has fueled further speculation.

Weak Response to Corruption Perception

According to a Social Weather Stations poll from October 2025, over 80% of Mega Manila residents believe corruption has worsened under Marcos—the highest level recorded in two decades. About 77% of Filipinos believe corruption is more widespread now than three years ago.

The flood control scandal has been described as worse than previous corruption cases because it is "very visual"—people can see the substandard or entirely absent flood projects in their communities while suffering from devastating floods. Typhoon Kalmaegi claimed at least 269 lives in early November 2025, followed by Typhoon Fung-wong, which displaced 1.4 million people.

Political scientist Jean Encinas-Franco of the University of the Philippines observed that "unlike previous corruption scandals, like the NBN-ZTE deal and the Pharmally scandal, this latest scandal is very visual." It struck a nerve because Filipinos could see with their own eyes that the projects meant to protect them simply did not exist.

Marcos created an Independent Commission for Infrastructure in September 2025, but nearly 100 days into the inquiry, critics noted that no significant arrests had been made until very recently. Political science professor Ederson Tapia of the University of Makati stated: "The public is no longer satisfied with symbolic gestures. People want clarity, evidence, and concrete steps forward."

Economic Promises Unfulfilled

Marcos campaigned on a promise to bring rice prices down to ₱20 per kilo. Three years later, retail rice prices have soared to ₱44 per kilo or higher. The ₱20 rice program, finally launched in 2025, is funded by a subsidy that will last only five months and covers fewer than one million families. It is a band-aid solution, not a structural fix.

Manufacturing has declined to its lowest share of GDP since 1949. Agriculture's share of GDP in 2024 was only 7.8%—the lowest in history. Self-rated poverty surged to 58%, a 16-year high, affecting an additional 3.1 million families. About 63% of Filipinos consider themselves poor as of the fourth quarter of 2024, the highest since 2003.

Trust ratings have declined accordingly. A Publicus Asia survey from March 2025 showed Marcos's approval rating dropped from 33% in late 2024 to just 19% in the first quarter of 2025. By September 2025, a Pulse Asia survey recorded double-digit drops in both approval and trust ratings.

The Case Against "Pushover"

To be fair, Marcos has shown moments of decisiveness that complicate the pushover label.

The West Philippine Sea Pivot

Unlike his predecessor Rodrigo Duterte, who dismissed the 2016 Arbitral Award as a "mere piece of paper" and pursued warm ties with Beijing, Marcos adopted an assertive stance in the South China Sea. He revived the arbitration ruling as the cornerstone of Philippine claims, launched a "transparency initiative" to expose Chinese harassment, and expanded defense cooperation with the United States, Japan, and Australia.

Marcos authorized the expansion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), granting the Pentagon access to additional military bases, including sites close to Taiwan. He approved the presence of US missile systems in the Philippines, telling China that if it wants the systems removed, it should leave the West Philippine Sea first.

When asked about red lines, Marcos stated: "If a Filipino citizen is killed by an intentional act, that approaches what we categorize as an act of war. We have crossed the Rubicon. Is that a red line? Almost certainly." This is not the language of a pushover.

The ICC Cooperation

In one of the most consequential decisions of his presidency, Marcos cooperated with the International Criminal Court in the arrest and transfer of Rodrigo Duterte to The Hague in March 2025. This was a reversal of his earlier position that the ICC had no jurisdiction over the Philippines, and it represented a direct break with the Duterte family.

The decision cost him politically—his trust ratings in Mindanao, the Duterte stronghold, plummeted. But he made the call anyway. This is not the action of someone who bends to every political pressure.

The Recent Crackdown

In November 2025, Marcos finally ordered arrests in the flood control scandal, with seven suspects taken into custody and more being pursued. He announced that Romualdez and Zaldy Co would face charges of plunder, graft, and direct bribery before the Ombudsman. He declared: "We will not stop. We will not hesitate."

He challenged Co, who fled the country and accused him of receiving ₱56 billion in kickbacks, to return and face charges: "Why are you hiding far away? I'm not hiding. If you have an accusation against me, I'm here." He promised that implicated officials would be "imprisoned before Christmas."

Whether these actions are too little too late, or whether they represent a genuine turning point, remains to be seen.

Standing Firm Against Duterte Attacks

During the 2025 midterm campaign, Marcos departed from his typically conflict-averse approach to directly attack the Duterte record. "None of [my preferred candidates] are accomplices in pocketing sacks of money, exploiting the pandemic crisis and letting our countrymen get sick and die," he said. "None of them acts like the acolyte of a false prophet."

The Palace responded to accusations that he was a "weak leader" by stating: "The President has to be transparent about his insights sometimes and to relay to the people that he is not and will never be a weak leader."

Connecting the Dots

So is Bongbong Marcos a pushover?

The evidence suggests he is not a pushover in the traditional sense. He has made bold moves on foreign policy. He cooperated with the ICC despite the political cost. He is now pursuing corruption charges against his own cousin.

But the evidence also suggests he is conflict-averse to a fault. He allowed corruption to fester under his watch. He permitted Romualdez to accumulate enormous power. He danced around the Duterte problem for years. He avoided direct confrontation even when his life was threatened.

The pattern that emerges is not of a man who is weak in all circumstances, but of a man who is slow to act, reluctant to confront allies, and prone to letting problems grow until they become crises. His presidency has been marked by what one observer called a "risk-averse decision-making style."

Whether you call that a pushover is a matter of perspective. What is not a matter of perspective is that this style has cost the country. The flood control scandal alone may have drained ₱2 billion from public coffers. Trust in government has cratered. Corruption perceptions are at 20-year highs.

A leader who waits for massive public protests before acting is not leading—they are reacting. A leader who needs the Iglesia ni Cristo to march in the streets before ordering arrests is not governing—they are responding to pressure. A leader who cannot or will not see what is happening in their own inner circle is not protecting the nation—they are failing it.

Marcos may not be a pushover in the sense of someone who folds under pressure. But he may be something equally concerning: a leader who does not apply pressure until it is too late. That is weakness packaged as restraint.

The floods will keep coming. The corruption will not stop itself. The question is whether Marcos will lead, or whether he will continue to wait for the tide to force his hand.

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