When Votes Become Transactions: The INC Endorsement and the Politics of Corruption

There's something deeply unsettling about watching a religious organization wield political power like some kind of kingmaker, and yet here we are.

Year after year, election after election, the Iglesia ni Cristo's bloc voting machinery churns out winners with mathematical precision. What troubles me most isn't even the practice itself—though it raises questions about individual conscience and whether democracy actually means anything anymore.

What keeps me up at night is seeing this pattern repeat: a striking number of INC-endorsed candidates later find themselves tangled up in corruption scandals, their names in investigation after investigation, their explanations getting more elaborate as evidence piles up.

Let me say this upfront—I'm not here to attack the INC as a religious institution. That's not what this is about.

What I'm wrestling with, what haunts me as someone who cares about what democracy could be in this country, is something more specific: why does the INC keep endorsing politicians who end up betraying the public trust so consistently?

The List

In 2022, the INC endorsed twelve senatorial candidates. You know most of their names: Jinggoy Estrada, Joel Villanueva, JV Ejercito, Win Gatchalian, Bong Revilla, Alan Peter Cayetano, Loren Legarda.

By 2025, many of these same people would be sitting in the middle of one of the biggest corruption scandals in recent Philippine history—billions allegedly stolen from flood control projects while Filipinos drowned during typhoons.

Jinggoy Estrada is maybe the clearest case of this pattern. The INC endorsed him repeatedly throughout his career. Then by late 2025, the Independent Commission for Infrastructure recommended charges against him for allegedly receiving kickbacks from flood control projects. But this wasn't his first time around the corruption block. He'd already faced plunder charges connected to the PDAF scam involving Janet Lim-Napoles, though he was eventually acquitted when the Sandiganbayan ruled his former aide was the one who primarily benefited from the scheme.

The scale of what he's accused of this time is staggering. The 2025 flood control scandal involves allegations of kickbacks running 25% to 30% of project costs. Engineer Henry Alcantara's affidavit detailed how billions allegedly disappeared while Filipinos had nowhere to go when the rains came. The INC endorsed Estrada in 2022. By 2025, he was denying these accusations as "hearsay" while the investigations kept moving forward.

Joel Villanueva is facing the same charges over the same flood control scheme. The Independent Commission for Infrastructure recommended plunder and corruption charges against him too. He insists he opposed those flood control projects from the start. The evidence keeps mounting though—affidavits, paper trails, the kinds of things investigators use when they're building a case.

JV Ejercito got endorsed in 2022 after the INC skipped him in 2019 because his survey numbers weren't strong enough. Then he got into trouble over something that happened when he was San Juan mayor. The Ombudsman found probable cause to charge him with graft over the purchase of high-powered firearms worth P2.1 million. According to the findings, he used calamity funds—money meant for disaster preparedness—to buy specific firearms without any real bidding process. The Ombudsman's report noted the "hasty procurement" and said suppliers got benefits they shouldn't have gotten.

Win Gatchalian also got endorsed in 2022. The Ombudsman indicted him for graft over the Local Water Utilities Administration's acquisition of his family's failing bank back in 2009. The government essentially rescued the Gatchalian family's insolvent bank at taxpayer expense. LWUA paid P101.363 million for a 60% stake in a bank that had been losing money for five straight years. The Ombudsman calculated the government lost at least P80 million just on that deal alone. The Sandiganbayan later dismissed charges against Gatchalian, but prosecutors appealed. They argued he shouldn't just walk free.

Bong Revilla is something else entirely. The INC endorsed him in 2010, 2016, 2022, and again in 2025. In 2018, the Sandiganbayan acquitted him of plunder charges from the PDAF scam—but the decision was split 3-2, and lots of people called it selective justice. He'd been accused of pocketing P224 million in kickbacks from bogus projects that Janet Lim-Napoles facilitated. The Anti-Money Laundering Council's investigation found possible money laundering in his and his family's bank accounts. Despite all that, despite the acquittal that half the court disagreed with, the INC endorsed him again. And he keeps winning.

Alan Peter Cayetano was named in the Napoles List during the pork barrel scam, though he denied ever meeting her or taking money. He also got hit with graft charges over alleged misuse of his PDAF from 2007 to 2009 and the purchase of multi-cabs in 2012 that auditors questioned. The Commission on Audit flagged irregularities—procurements that supposedly had no request from actual end-users, suppliers that apparently weren't even in business during the years they were supposedly selling to the government. His net worth went up by almost P7.5 million in 2011. His salary as a public servant couldn't explain that jump.

Loren Legarda faced graft charges for allegedly not reporting a $700,000 New York condominium in her SALN from 2007 to 2012. She said it was family property listed as "Equity in Real Property," but the title showed her as sole owner. She also ran into trouble over a potential conflict of interest when the Senate approved a 25-year franchise for Solar Para Sa Bayan Corporation, which her son owns.

Mark Villar got endorsed in 2022 and then found himself linked to alleged corruption in flood control projects through a contractor supposedly connected to his cousin. While he was DPWH secretary from 2016 to 2021, his family companies were flagged as top tax delinquents in Las Piñas, owing the city P14.6 million. He denied conflict of interest and said he welcomed investigations, but the situation looked messy no matter what.

Migz Zubiri endorsed in 2022, resigned from the Senate in 2011 during a poll fraud scandal, though he never admitted fault. Later he filed cyberlibel charges against people accusing him of acquiring Forbes Park mansions and private jets through corruption, though he did admit to owning a resort.

Where This Comes From

This isn't new. Look back at the INC's endorsement history and you're looking at some of the most controversial figures in Philippine politics.

They endorsed Ferdinand Marcos from 1965 through the 1986 snap elections. A dictator. His regime systematically looted the nation, and Transparency International ranked him among the world's most corrupt leaders based on stolen wealth estimates.

They endorsed Joseph Estrada in 1998. He ended up convicted of plunder and sentenced to life (later pardoned) for amassing $78-80 million through illegal gambling payoffs. Transparency International ranked him tenth among the world's most corrupt heads of government.

They endorsed Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in 2004. She faced multiple plunder and graft charges—allegations of misusing P366 million in PCSO intelligence funds, involvement in the fertilizer fund scam. She was detained for years before the Supreme Court eventually dismissed the plunder case in 2016.

They endorsed Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco in 1992 (though he lost). A Marcos associate. He was accused of conspiring with the dictator in the coco levy scam that robbed coconut farmers. He spent years facing corruption charges because of his Marcos connections.

The People Who Didn't Disappoint

To be honest, not every INC-endorsed candidate turns out to be corrupt. Sometimes the organization actually backs someone with a relatively clean record, though it seems like the exception rather than the rule.

Bam Aquino got endorsed in 2025 and he's built something real. Education reform, entrepreneurship support, good governance—that's his record. During his first Senate term from 2013 to 2019, he authored the Go Negosyo Act, the Philippine Competition Act, the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act that made college free in state universities. He came back to the Senate in 2025 with over 20 million votes, placing second. That kind of surge comes from real work, not just INC endorsement. Nobody's filed corruption charges against him.

Pia Cayetano got endorsed in 2025 and has maintained a relatively clean record. Health, education, women's rights—that's where her focus is. Yeah, controversies exist, but she hasn't faced the corruption charges that plague so many of her INC-endorsed colleagues.

But here's what troubles me: these are the exceptions. They're vastly outnumbered by the others. And the pattern suggests the INC doesn't really care much about whether a candidate is honest.

How They Actually Choose

The most revealing thing came from JV Ejercito himself. In 2021, on the TV show "Headstart," he basically exposed how the INC picks who to endorse. He said he didn't get endorsed in 2019 because he wasn't in the top 12 in the polls. But the INC told him he'd get endorsed next time because he'd broken into the winning circle in the last surveys before the election.

That's it. That's the whole system. They don't endorse based on moral standards or integrity or competence. They endorse based on who's likely to win according to the polls. They wait until about a week before election day when the numbers stabilize, then announce their choices. This lets them claim credit for "electing" winners when really they're just backing whoever was going to win anyway.

Political analyst Mahar Mangahas from Social Weather Stations has said repeatedly that the INC endorsement's power is overstated. The candidates they endorse in Senate races would often have won without INC support because they were already leading in surveys. The real impact is for candidates hovering just outside the "Magic 12"—for them, an estimated 600,000 to 1 million INC bloc votes can make the difference.

How This Actually Works

So why does the INC keep endorsing corrupt politicians? To understand that, you need to know how the organization actually operates. International observers and former members have documented this extensively.

The Canadian government's Immigration and Refugee Board officially classified the INC as exhibiting cult-like characteristics after examining extensive evidence. That wasn't a casual call—it came after investigating police reports and testimonies from former members seeking refuge from the organization.

The whole thing is built on absolute obedience to leadership. Felix Manalo proclaimed himself God's "last messenger," which meant criticizing church leadership was basically criticizing God. That doctrine of the "sugo" (messenger) demands compliance from members no questions asked.

According to former members, the organization uses repetitive indoctrination during mandatory worship sessions. Members report being prohibited from interpreting the Bible themselves, being monitored for attendance, being warned that removal from church records means being erased from the "book of life." Church participation gets directly linked to eternal salvation. That creates serious psychological pressure.

When it comes to politics, this control extends to how people vote. Members get told how to vote not based on candidate qualifications or character but based on church leadership's directives. The organization calls this "unity," frames it as a biblical principle. Former members say those who refuse face consequences—social isolation, expulsion, family separation.

Here's what bothers me most: the INC leadership doesn't appear to select candidates based on whether they'll serve Filipinos well. Former members and political analysts suggest they select based on two things: who's likely to win in the polls, and who might be useful to the organization's interests.

Former INC members calling themselves "INC Thinking Voters" laid this out in a 2015 open letter to presidential candidates. They described how successive administrations had allegedly accommodated INC requests for political appointments and special treatment. They claimed the INC successfully planted its members in key government positions—law enforcement, judiciary, customs, immigration, labor—creating a network whose primary loyalty was to church leadership, not to public service.

The letter detailed allegations that INC lobbied heavily for Teddy Sandy Raval's appointment as head of the Bureau of Customs' Enforcement and Security Services, despite reported objections from former Commissioner John Sevilla, who resigned over this and other allegedly INC-influenced appointments. The "Thinking Voters" also pointed to alleged lobbying for Ricardo Marquez's appointment as PNP chief.

This creates a disturbing picture: if these allegations are accurate, the INC endorses candidates not to promote good governance but to create a network of politicians in debt to them. Politicians facing corruption allegations become more pliable, more willing to make deals, more invested in maintaining a system where the rules don't apply equally to everyone.

November 2025: The Irony Becomes Impossible to Ignore

November 2025 brought the supreme irony. Senators Jinggoy Estrada and Joel Villanueva—both INC-endorsed in 2022—faced formal recommendations for plunder charges over the flood control kickback scheme. And what does the INC do? They announced a three-day rally at Rizal Park calling for "accountability and transparency" in government.

Think about that for a second. The organization that helped elect politicians now facing corruption charges was holding a rally demanding transparency.

The disconnect is staggering. Some people worried the rally could trigger another EDSA-style uprising against President Marcos Jr. But what's the point if the INC just endorses another slate of controversial politicians in the next election?

The rally also showed where the INC stands politically right now. Among their 2025 endorsements are Rodante Marcoleta, an INC member, and Bong Revilla. Marcoleta chairs the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee investigating the flood control scandal, but he's facing questions about conflicts of interest. According to public records, his wife Edna serves as independent director for Stronghold Insurance Co. and sits on the board of Milestone Guaranty and Assurance—companies that issued bonds for contractors at the center of corruption allegations.

When Senator Panfilo Lacson demanded "Why are you so protective of the Discayas?!" (referring to contractors Curlee and Sara Discaya), Marcoleta's response—"Can we have this recorded?!"—raised questions about what's really going on. The INC endorsed this man to return to the Senate.

What This Means for Us

Here's what I keep coming back to: what does it say about us as a society that we've allowed this pattern to keep repeating?

The INC is only about 2.6% of the Philippine population. Their bloc vote, while disciplined, amounts to roughly 5% of voters. They matter in close races, especially for candidates on the margins, but they're not unstoppable.

Yet we've collectively decided to treat INC endorsement like it's some kind of electoral magic ticket. Politicians desperately chase it down. Media reports each announcement like it's major news. We've accepted the narrative that INC picks winners, even though the data shows they usually just endorse whoever was going to win anyway.

Worse, we've normalized the idea that a religious organization can command millions of votes without regard for candidate qualifications or character. We've accepted that roughly 2 million Filipinos will vote based on what church administrators tell them rather than their own judgment of who would serve the country well. We've tolerated a system where endorsement seems tied to corruption rather than clean governance.

What about the INC membership itself? I don't think all 2.8 million members are corrupt or indifferent to good governance. The "INC Thinking Voters" letter from 2015 proved dissent exists within the organization. Members reported feeling trapped because they couldn't ignore what was happening anymore. They wanted candidates who would stand for what's right rather than what benefits church administration.

But the power structure makes resistance nearly impossible. Former members report that those who disobey the bloc vote command face excommunication, family separation, social isolation. The psychological pressure runs deep. Members get taught that refusing to vote as commanded means rejecting biblical unity and risking eternal damnation.

Breaking Out of This

So how do we get out of this cycle?

First, we need to stop treating INC endorsement as destiny. Media should report it for what it is: a religious organization instructing members to vote based primarily on poll numbers, not merit. Political analysts should contextualize it properly—yes, it affects close races, but it's not the kingmaker we've made it out to be.

Second, we need real enforcement of election laws. If there's a quid pro quo between bloc voting and government favors, that crosses legal and ethical lines. These arrangements need investigation and prosecution.

Third, civil society needs to keep pushing the Ombudsman, the Sandiganbayan, and other accountability institutions to pursue corruption cases regardless of political connections. The Independent Commission for Infrastructure's willingness to recommend charges against sitting senators is encouraging, but recommendations mean nothing without actual convictions.

Fourth, voters need to demand that candidates publicly reject endorsements that come with strings attached. A principled politician should say: "I welcome individual INC members voting for me, but I won't make backroom deals for bloc endorsement and I won't grant special favors to any organization."

Fifth, INC members need to reclaim their own conscience. The "Thinking Voters" showed it's possible. Observers have documented that bloc voting compliance is around 80%, which means 20% are already exercising independent judgment. That number can grow.

The Uncomfortable Truth

I started by saying I wasn't critiquing the INC as a religious institution. But after examining everything, I'm not sure I can hold that line anymore.

When a religious organization's political endorsements consistently include politicians who later face corruption charges, when former members allege it demands absolute obedience on political matters, when ex-members claim it leverages bloc voting to extract government favors, when international observers classify it as exhibiting cult-like characteristics—at some point you have to ask: is this still primarily a religious institution or has it become primarily a political machine?

The INC talks about spiritual unity, but their endorsement pattern reveals a different priority: power and access. They don't appear to be selecting candidates who will serve Filipinos with integrity or transparency or accountability. The pattern suggests they select candidates who will serve the INC's interests.

And the part that really breaks my heart? Every time an INC-endorsed candidate faces corruption charges, every time we learn about alleged kickbacks from flood control funds while Filipinos struggle in typhoons, every time billions allegedly vanish into private accounts—it strengthens the cynicism eating away at our democracy.

People start believing all politicians are corrupt, that elections don't matter, that ordinary Filipinos have no real power. They become spectators to their own exploitation.

Organizations like the INC, operating with reported cult-like control over members, perpetuate this by delivering millions of votes to politicians who've already betrayed the public trust once.

But here's what I hold onto: democracy isn't a spectator sport. We all bear responsibility for the governance we get.

That includes INC members deciding whether blind obedience to church administrators is worth the cost of national dysfunction.

It includes voters everywhere who need to show up and vote based on competence and character rather than celebrity or clan loyalty. And it includes all of us demanding accountability—not just from politicians but from the organizations shaping our political landscape.

The roster of INC-endorsed politicians facing corruption charges isn't just names on a list. It's a mirror of our collective failure to prioritize integrity over convenience, principle over power, service over personal gain.

Until we're willing to look honestly at that reflection and decide to change it, we'll keep struggling while those accused of corruption become more entrenched and the powerful grow bolder.

The real question isn't whether the INC will change how it picks endorsements. It's whether we'll keep accepting a system where religious institutions can deliver millions of votes to controversial politicians without facing any real accountability. Because as long as we do, the cycle continues.

Our democracy keeps weakening. And billions keep getting allocated to projects that somehow never seem to deliver what was promised.

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