Why Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla Should Not Be Ombudsman: A Dangerous Seven-Year Mistake

It’s 5 a.m. The house is quiet, the air still, and I’m on my first cup of coffee. I’ve been staring at the shortlist of names for the next Ombudsman—seven candidates, seven possible futures for how this country will deal with corruption.

One name pulled me out of that early morning calm: Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla.

I’ve followed his career long enough to recognize the patterns. The scandals, the calculated political alignments, the way rules seem to bend when he’s involved. He’s not just a bad pick for Ombudsman. He’s a dangerous one.

The Ombudsman’s term is seven years—long enough to shape the country’s accountability system well past the current administration. Putting someone like Remulla in that seat isn’t a temporary gamble. It’s locking in a problem that can’t easily be undone.

So before the coffee cools, I’m laying out exactly why his appointment would be a seven-year mistake the country can’t afford.

The Son’s Drug Case: A Defining Ethical Failure

If there’s one incident that stripped away any illusion of impartiality, it’s how Remulla handled his own son’s drug case.

On October 11, 2022, Juanito José Remulla III was arrested in Las Piñas by the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency for receiving a parcel containing almost 900 grams of high-grade marijuana, valued at roughly ₱1.3 million. Under Republic Act 9165, possession of more than 500 grams carries life imprisonment. Ordinary suspects facing similar charges usually endure years of court proceedings, often while detained.

Refusal to Inhibit

At the time, Boying Remulla was the Secretary of Justice, overseeing the very prosecutors who would handle his son’s case. Any official with a shred of ethical instinct would have stepped back. Instead, he stayed in place.

This isn’t some grey area. His own Department Circular No. 005 (2024) explicitly prohibits prosecutors from participating in any proceeding where impartiality might reasonably be questioned. The guidelines cover situations involving spouses, descendants, ascendants, or relatives within the fourth civil degree. By refusing to inhibit, he violated the same standard he expected others to follow.

It was a clear ethical breach. And if someone can’t do the bare minimum in a situation this personal, what happens when bigger interests are at stake?

Suspicious Treatment and Irregularities

From the very beginning, the handling of the case stood out. PDEA blurred the mugshots of his son during the press briefing, claiming later that it was due to privacy protocols. Yet no such courtesy is extended to ordinary suspects.

The case also moved with unusual speed. In just 84 days, the Las Piñas Regional Trial Court acquitted Juanito Remulla III, citing procedural lapses. For context, drug cases often drag on for years. Poor defendants wait in detention while hearings are repeatedly postponed. Here, everything moved like clockwork.

Acquittal Through Technicalities

The court’s decision highlighted multiple failures by law enforcement:

• The parcel was marked September 28, 2022, two weeks before the arrest. Authorities never explained the gap.

• No witnesses were present during the inventory of evidence, violating standard chain of custody procedures.

• Customs officials didn’t properly mark the seized drugs, leaving room for tampering.

• There was no clear documentation of how the evidence was stored between seizure and presentation in court.

The lapses were so extensive they didn’t look accidental. It’s hard not to wonder if the system was deliberately mishandled to ensure an acquittal.

The moment the verdict came out, Remulla publicly said he was “glad justice is served.” But for many Filipinos, what they saw wasn’t justice. It was a powerful man benefiting from a system that bends for the well-connected.

Political Dynasty and Systematic Corruption in Cavite

Remulla’s unsuitability for the Ombudsman role goes beyond his son’s case. His roots are embedded in one of the most powerful political dynasties in Cavite, a family that has dominated the province for decades through a mix of political control, economic influence, and historical intimidation.

For over thirty years, the Remulla family has held a tight grip on local and national positions. What began with one patriarch has evolved into a full-blown dynasty, with siblings, children, and relatives occupying key posts simultaneously.

The Remulla Family’s Stranglehold

• Juanito Remulla Sr. – Former provincial governor for 14 years; the patriarch who laid the foundation of their power.

• Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla – Justice Secretary, former governor, congressman, and now shortlisted for Ombudsman.

• Jonvic Remulla – Current Interior Secretary and former Cavite governor.

• Gilbert Remulla – Former congressman and ABS-CBN reporter.

• Crispin Diego “Ping” Remulla – Boying’s son, currently a congressman.

• Francisco Gabriel “Abeng” Remulla – Boying’s son, now governor of Cavite.

• Jacinta Remulla – Boying’s daughter, currently Vice Mayor of Naic.

This is not a normal rotation of public servants. It’s an intergenerational power structure where political positions are passed like heirlooms. That level of control doesn’t just happen—it’s built, maintained, and defended over time.

A History Written in Power and Violence

The family’s rise wasn’t purely political maneuvering. Juanito Remulla Sr. cemented his dominance in part through force. In 1971, he orchestrated the ambush of notorious bandit Leonardo Manecio, better known as Nardong Putik. Coordinating the hit over radio, his men executed the operation and eliminated a figure who had long defied authorities.

This moment became part of local lore and sent a clear message: Cavite was their territory. In the years that followed, the family maintained influence through their connections, private armed groups, and political alliances.

Their rule has often been characterized by the coddling of syndicates, intimidation of labor groups and farmers, and the blending of political and business interests into one unbroken chain of control. It’s this backdrop that shaped Boying Remulla’s political instincts—and it explains why installing someone from such a dynasty into the Ombudsman’s chair threatens the very independence that office is supposed to safeguard.

An Ombudsman must be free from entanglements. Remulla was raised in them.

Attack on Press Freedom: The ABS-CBN Franchise Denial

Remulla’s record also shows a clear hostility toward media accountability. His role in the 2020 ABS-CBN franchise denial is one of the clearest examples of how he uses power not to protect public interest, but to push political agendas and silence critical voices.

When the House of Representatives voted to deny the renewal of ABS-CBN’s franchise, 70 lawmakers sided with the resolution. Remulla wasn’t just one of them—he was a leading voice in the campaign.

Leading the Offensive

Alongside Rodante Marcoleta and Mike Defensor, Remulla hurled accusations at the network. He claimed ABS-CBN engaged in tax avoidance, violated constitutional restrictions on foreign ownership, and submitted tampered documents. These claims were widely seen as politically motivated, serving as a legal veneer for what was essentially the Duterte administration’s punishment of a critical broadcaster.

The shutdown’s impact was immediate and massive. Eleven thousand workers lost their jobs, and the country’s largest broadcast network went off the air. ABS-CBN had been one of the few remaining sources of independent journalism capable of reaching millions nationwide. Its silencing left a vacuum that benefited those in power.

Remulla and his allies even held a celebratory online forum after the vote. They talked about plans to take over the ABS-CBN Broadcasting Center, treating the downfall of a major news organization like a political victory lap.

Misleading the International Community

Two years later, in 2022, Remulla represented the Philippines before the UN Human Rights Committee in Geneva. There, he claimed ABS-CBN was “not shut down,” only denied a franchise for failing to meet requirements.

This statement was misleading. The network had already been forced off-air in May 2020, months before the congressional vote, and was left with no legal pathway to return to broadcasting. His attempt to reframe the shutdown on the international stage wasn’t just political spin—it showed a willingness to manipulate the truth when it suits him.

For someone vying to become the country’s top anti-corruption watchdog, this episode reveals a dangerous tendency: he doesn’t just wield power, he shapes narratives to justify it. In the Ombudsman’s chair, that habit would be disastrous.

Defending Marcos Wealth: Loyalty Over Justice

Few moments revealed Remulla’s loyalties more clearly than his public defense of the Marcos family’s estate tax liabilities. Not long after he became Justice Secretary in July 2022, he called the ₱203 billion Marcos estate tax debt “improbable” and “ridiculous.” Those weren’t offhand remarks—they were calculated signals of political alignment.

Undermining Years of Recovery Efforts

The Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) was created to recover wealth stolen during the Marcos dictatorship. Over the decades, it has managed to claw back hundreds of billions of pesos. The ₱203 billion figure wasn’t plucked from nowhere—it’s the result of a final, executory Supreme Court decision dating back to the 1990s, covering estate taxes owed by the Marcos family.

When Remulla dismissed the figure as “biased computation,” he effectively undermined the PCGG’s decades-long work and the legal standing of a Supreme Court ruling. He even floated the idea of transforming the PCGG into a general asset forfeiture agency, saying, “We don’t need to spend the next hundred years running after the Marcoses.”

These aren’t the words of someone intent on holding the powerful accountable. They’re the words of someone protecting them.

A Built-In Conflict of Interest

The Ombudsman’s jurisdiction includes the highest officials in government, including the President. That’s why the role demands unimpeachable independence. Remulla has already shown where his loyalty lies. Publicly defending the Marcoses while serving as Justice Secretary raises a serious question: how can he investigate corruption cases that involve the very family he has shielded?

If appointed Ombudsman, this conflict wouldn’t disappear. It would sit at the center of the institution for seven years, affecting every decision that involves the current administration and its allies. Independence isn’t something he can suddenly switch on after years of political service. His track record shows exactly which side he takes when power and accountability collide.

Red-Tagging and Political Persecution

Remulla’s approach to politics has often blurred the line between governance and propaganda. During the 2022 election campaign, he didn’t just support a candidate—he actively smeared opponents using a familiar and dangerous tactic in Philippine politics: red-tagging.

Spreading Disinformation

On his DZRH radio program “Executive Session,” Remulla claimed that supporters of then–Vice President Leni Robredo were being paid ₱500 each to attend a Cavite rally. He also accused leftist student activists of infiltrating the event, suggesting links to communist organizations.

None of these claims were backed by evidence. They were classic red-tagging—associating legitimate political movements and student groups with insurgent activity to discredit them. In a country where red-tagging has led to harassment, arrests, and even killings, these kinds of statements aren’t just reckless—they put real people at risk.

Robredo condemned the accusations as both dangerous and insulting to Caviteños. She wasn’t alone. Many saw Remulla’s remarks as a deliberate attempt to cast dissenting voices as threats, a tactic often used to justify state action against critics.

Authoritarian Instincts on Display

This episode matters because the Ombudsman isn’t a political attack dog. It’s supposed to be a neutral institution that protects the public interest, regardless of political affiliation. Red-tagging political opponents reveals an instinct to persecute rather than investigate, to delegitimize rather than examine facts.

If given the Ombudsman’s broad investigative powers, that instinct could turn a constitutionally independent office into a weapon against perceived enemies. His history shows he’s willing to use media platforms and his position to shape narratives that favor his allies and target opponents. That’s not independence. That’s partisanship dressed up as governance.

Red-Tagging and Political Persecution

Remulla’s approach to politics has often crossed into dangerous territory. During the 2022 election campaign, he didn’t just support a candidate—he went after opponents using one of the oldest tactics in Philippine politics: red-tagging.

Spreading Disinformation

On his DZRH radio program “Executive Session,” he claimed that supporters of then–Vice President Leni Robredo were paid ₱500 each to attend a Cavite rally. He also accused student activists of infiltrating the crowd, implying communist ties.

None of it was backed by proof. It was the kind of baseless labeling that puts people in danger. In the Philippines, red-tagging has often led to harassment, arrests, and sometimes worse. Robredo called the accusations dangerous and insulting to Caviteños, and rightly so. What he did wasn’t criticism—it was the deliberate casting of suspicion on ordinary citizens exercising their right to assemble.

What This Reveals

The Ombudsman’s role demands impartiality. Red-tagging exposes the opposite instinct: to attack critics instead of engaging with facts, to politicize dissent rather than examine wrongdoing.

If Remulla were given the Ombudsman’s powers, this kind of behavior wouldn’t just play out on a radio program. It could shape how complaints are prioritized, who gets investigated, and who is left alone. His record shows a clear tendency to treat political opposition as something to be crushed, not scrutinized fairly.

Why the Seven-Year Term Makes This Appointment Catastrophic

The Ombudsman’s fixed, non-renewable seven-year term was meant as a shield for accountability, protecting the Office from political pressure so it could investigate anyone, no matter how powerful. But as we saw during Samuel Martires’ disastrous tenure, when someone unfit holds that office, term protections become a shield for corruption—not the people.

Martires’ time as Ombudsman is widely viewed as one of the most damaging periods in the institution’s history. Instead of defending transparency and public trust, he weakened both.

In 2020, Martires implemented rules that effectively shut the public out from accessing officials’ Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALNs). He required notarized consent from the official concerned before anyone could see their SALN, reversing the intent of Republic Act 6713, which treats these disclosures as public records. Journalists and watchdog groups suddenly lost access to one of the most essential tools for tracking corruption.

He declared lifestyle checks “illogical” and scrapped them entirely. This removed a crucial way to spot unexplained wealth—often the starting point for major graft investigations.

He even proposed criminal penalties, including fines and jail time, for those who published news or commentary based on SALNs. Legal experts and press freedom advocates condemned this as an attack on constitutional rights and an attempt to silence scrutiny.

Under Martires, the Ombudsman’s conviction rate fell from 61.2% in 2020 to just 26.5% in 2022. Case filings at the Sandiganbayan dropped to record lows, stalling anti-corruption efforts at their earliest stages. Civil society and religious leaders accused him of protecting the powerful while making investigations nearly impossible.

By the end of his term, the Ombudsman’s office was crippled—less transparent, less active, and far less trusted. At one point, Martires even suggested abolishing the institution entirely, a statement widely criticized as reckless and dangerous.

Why Remulla Would Make It Worse

The danger now is even greater. Appointing Jesus Crispin Remulla would not just prolong the damage—it would entrench it.

Unlike Martires, whose legacy was one of institutional neglect, Remulla brings with him a political machine and a proven tendency to apply justice selectively. This opens the door not just to passivity, but to the active use of the Ombudsman’s powers to protect allies and go after critics.

With a term that outlasts any administration and removal only possible through impeachment, the wrong appointment locks in lost accountability for a generation. Another compromised Ombudsman does not just weaken the present—it reshapes the standards for the future.

Alternative Candidates and the Path Forward

The Judicial and Bar Council has shortlisted seven names for the next Ombudsman. Jesus Crispin Remulla is only one of them. This position isn’t some political consolation prize. It’s one of the most consequential appointments in government. Whoever takes the seat will shape the country’s accountability landscape for the next seven years.

Several candidates in that list have far cleaner records and stronger reputations for independence. They come from the judiciary, graft investigation, and audit institutions—people whose careers don’t revolve around dynasties, family scandals, or politically selective justice.

One name that stands out is Michael Aguinaldo, currently the chair of the Philippine Competition Commission and former head of the Commission on Audit (COA). From 2015 to 2022, during his time at COA, he pushed transparency reforms, modernized audit systems, and defended the institution’s independence at moments when political pressure was intense.

When President Duterte publicly attacked COA in 2021 for publishing reports on questionable COVID-19 spending, Aguinaldo didn’t retreat. He calmly reminded everyone that COA would continue doing its constitutional duty. That kind of quiet, unwavering backbone is exactly what the Ombudsman’s office needs.

Unlike Remulla, Aguinaldo doesn’t have a dynasty to defend, a son’s drug case to explain, or a history of bending rules for allies. His credentials extend beyond the country’s borders: he served as External Auditor for the WHO, FAO, and UNIDO, roles that demand impeccable integrity and professional independence. He’s also an Ateneo Law graduate, placed 7th in the 1992 Bar Exams, and holds an LL.M. from the University of Michigan. His qualifications are solid, but more importantly, his track record shows he actually uses them in the service of accountability.

Other shortlisted names also offer credible alternatives. Supreme Court Associate Justice Samuel Gaerlan and retired Justice Mario Lopez bring years of judicial experience without the baggage that weighs down Remulla’s candidacy. Sandiganbayan Associate Justice Michael Frederick Musngi, who has spent his career handling graft cases, is another option who wouldn’t undermine the institution from the inside.

This appointment is a chance to undo the damage left by Martires’ tenure and restore the public’s faith in the Ombudsman. Picking Remulla would send the exact opposite message: that political loyalty and power blocs still trump independence and integrity, and that the lessons of the last seven years were never learned.

The path forward is clear. The shortlist includes candidates who can actually strengthen the Ombudsman’s office rather than hollow it out. The real question is whether the appointing power will treat this decision as a political favor—or as a constitutional duty to safeguard accountability for years to come.

What This Choice Will Reveal

The choice of Ombudsman is not a routine appointment. It will determine whether the institution tasked with holding power to account can recover from years of decline—or sink deeper into politicization.

Jesus Crispin Remulla’s record is clear. He refused to inhibit himself from his son’s drug case, presided over a justice system that bent in his favor, built his career on the back of a powerful dynasty, led attacks on independent media, publicly defended the Marcos family’s unpaid estate taxes, and engaged in red-tagging during a national election. These are not the marks of someone who can rebuild trust in a damaged institution.

The country has just endured a seven-year term under Samuel Martires that left the Ombudsman weakened, less transparent, and widely distrusted. Appointing Remulla now would take that damage and entrench it for another seven years, this time under someone who has both the political machinery and the track record to use the office as a weapon.

The shortlist includes candidates who have shown independence and integrity in their careers. The decision, ultimately, will reveal whether the appointing power sees this role as a constitutional safeguard or a political tool.

The Ombudsman was designed to stand between citizens and the abuse of power. Choosing the wrong person doesn’t just weaken the present—it rewrites the standards for accountability for years to come.

Seven years is a long time to live with a mistake. Choose right.

Editorial Note:

I deliberately removed the section on the complaints tied to Remulla’s handling of former President Duterte’s legal cases. While those controversies exist, most of the complaints came from members of the Duterte family and their political allies. Including that portion would only blur the focus of this piece.

The strongest case against Remulla lies in his pattern of ethical violations, his refusal to inhibit himself from cases involving his family, his role in the ABS-CBN shutdown, and his place within an entrenched political dynasty. This article is about holding public officials to the highest standards of justice and accountability, not defending political camps.

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88. https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2025/10/06/2477953/jbc-names-7-ombudsman-shortlist-including-remulla

89. https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/961433/jbc-issues-shortlist-of-ombudsman-applicants-report/story/

90. https://www.abs-cbn.com/news/nation/2025/10/6/remulla-6-others-shortlisted-for-ombudsman-post-sources-1416

91. https://filipinotimes.net/latest-news/2025/10/06/remulla-among-7-shortlisted-for-ombudsman-post/

92. https://www.manilatimes.net/2025/10/06/news/jbc-submits-7-ombudsman-nominees-to-president-marcos-jr/2195188

93. https://politiko.com.ph/2025/10/06/who-will-be-the-next-ombudsman-jbc-recommends-remulla-6-others-for-post/politiko-lokal/

94. https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1260329

95. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Gaerlan

96. https://www.instagram.com/p/DAsavfyPAo1/

97. https://x.com/SCPh_PIO/status/1869548230729703585?lang=en

98. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NhyFpxElxdA

99. https://www.concurrences.com/en/auteurs/michael-aguinaldo

100. https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2025/08/15/2465725/jbc-opens-review-17-ombudsman-candidates

101. https://www.phcc.gov.ph/about-us/commission-members/the-chairperson

102. https://www.instagram.com/p/DNkHb6Ps1oF/

103. https://mlex.shorthandstories.com/from-audit-to-antitrust-interview-sp/

104. https://verafiles.org/articles/fact-check-malacaangs-liza-logan-not-the-new-ombudsman

105. https://intosaicommunity.net/from_the_head_of_sai/michael-g-aguinaldo-philippines/

106. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dBK8171ksLQ

107. https://www.mlqu.edu.ph/atty-michael-g-aguinaldo-a-pillar-of-public-service-and-governance-in-the-philippines-is-the-guest-of-honor-at-manuel-l-quezon-universitys-77th-commencement/

108. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippine_Competition_Commission

109. https://www.phcc.gov.ph/storage/pdf-resources/1685668855_(1%20February%202023)Press%20Release_PCC%20welcomes%20Aguinaldo%20as%20new%20PH%20competition%20authority%20head.pdf

110. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mario_Lopez_(jurist)

111. https://tribune.net.ph/2024/09/15/sc-justice-mario-v-lopez-a-legacy-of-excellence-perseverance-and-reform

112. https://phlpost.gov.ph/cpt-press-releases/retired-justice-stephen-cruz-to-champion-manila-central-post-office-rehab-and-revitalized-postal-bank/

113. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Court_of_Appeals_of_the_Philippines

114. https://phlpost.gov.ph/cpt-press-releases/phlpost-welcomes-new-members-of-the-board-of-directors/

115. https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/62539

116. https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2017/06/20/1711894/summary-sc-justice-applicants-stance-issues-rulings

117. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Michael_Musngi_Associate_Justice.jpg

118. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FxFRJvFqPsk

119. https://ph.linkedin.com/in/michael-frederick-musngi-b86777373

120. https://pia.gov.ph/news/former-justice-stephen-cruz-sworn-in-as-chairman-of-phlpost-aims-for-postal-revitalization/

121. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Frederick_Mus%C3%B1gi

122. https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/64966

123. https://x.com/SCPh_PIO/status/1961380143404101725

124. https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/33954

125. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iglesia_ni_Cristo

126. https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/64851

127. https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/142975/iglesia-ni-cristo-led-rally-cheers-up-tearful-chief-justice

128. https://journal-theo.ukdw.ac.id/index.php/gema/article/download/23/18

129. https://directory.iglesianicristo.net/locales/logan-queensland

130. https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/69837

131. https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/961401/new-ombudsman-no-shortlist-yet-sc-spox/story/

132. https://www.chicagotribune.com/2025/10/01/ice-inmigracion-chicago-broadview-lideres-religiosos/

133. https://www.reddit.com/r/TrueIglesiaNiCristo/comments/1kqwt9f/pwede_bang_tumakbo_sa_eleksyon_at_magtrabaho_sa/

134. https://x.com/SCPh_PIO/status/1956231729989263842

135. https://www.instagram.com/annawlogan/

136. https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/2120219/inqtoday-change-in-senate-leadership-will-raise-suspicion-of-a-cover-up-says-cbcp